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��ࡱ�>�� `b����_�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� �r�u3bjbj�.�.26�d�g�d�g� �������66������������8,j�;o�^^^^^���~n�n�n�n�n�n�n$!q��sf�nq�������n��^^4�nbbb���^�^~nb�~nbbb^����`��2�������hbjn o0;obtx:tbb@1t��k���b������n�n�����;o������������������������������������������������������������������������t���������6b �: world politics volume 76, issue 3, july 2024 1. title: elite management before autocratic leader succession: evidence from north korea authors: goldring, edward; ward, peter. abstract: how do dictators prepare for succession? scholars have studied the determinants of succession, but we know little about the mechanisms, including elite management, of how succession occurs. the authors argue that incumbents prepare for succession by building a power base of elites outside their inner circle, for their preferred successor; doing so helps the successor to stabilize the regime. the authors test this argument by examining preparations for succession in the prominent but puzzling case of north korea under kim jong il, leveraging the plausibly exogenous shock that kim suffered�a stroke�that caused him to prepare for succession. quantitative analysis of 1,573 leadership events under kim between 1994 and 2011, with original biographical data on 230 north korean elites, supports the argument. qualitative evidence of elites� roles after kim�s death is consistent with the argument�s logic. rather than being atypical, as north korea is often portrayed, the findings apply to other personalist autocracies. 2. title: industrialization and democracy authors: sam van noort. abstract: this article provides a new theory about the relationship between economic development and democracy. the author argues that a larger share of employment in manufacturing�that is, a higher level of industrialization�makes mass mobilization both more likely to occur and more costly to suppress. this in turn increases the power of the masses vis-�-vis autocratic elites, making democracy more likely. novel manufacturing employment data for 145 countries over 170 years (1845�2015) suggest that industrialization is strongly correlated with democracy, even after accounting for income, equality, education, and urbanization. unlike with many other socioeconomic determinants, the effect of industrialization is robust to country and time fixed effects, occurs on both transitions to and consolidations of democracy, is present in both the short and long run, and is equally large after 1945. results from a novel instrument and several sensitivity analyses suggest that the correlation is unlikely to be spurious. 3. title: social democracy and the birth of working-class representation in europe authors: mor, maayan; boix, carles. abstract: despite the growing interest in the economic backgrounds of mps in western europe, the evolution of working-class numerical representation before 1945 has not been systematically studied. using data from england and wales (1832�1944), germany (1871�1930), and norway (1906�1936), the authors show both that working-class mps were elected when barriers were lowered and that almost all working-class parliamentarians were affiliated with socialist parties. the authors further probe the conditions that determined the electoral success of workers using data about all candidates, constituencies� occupational profile, and unionization in norway between 1906 and 1936. they find that socialist parties nominated workers either in relatively uncompetitive elections in which unionization was high or in competitive races in which the party�s victory was possible but not guaranteed. using information about mps in germany and england and wales, the authors find similar patterns. the article discusses the implications for research about democratization, the rise of social democracy, and the numerical representation of workers. 4. title: fighting the disease or manipulating the data? democracy, state capacity, and the covid-19 pandemic authors: knutsen, carl henrik; kolvani, palina. abstract: in this article, the authors discuss and analyze how regime type and state capacity shape the abilities and incentives of political leaders to respond to covid-19. they suggest that a complementary relationship exists between democracy and state capacity, both in terms of mitigating the adverse consequences of the pandemic, such as deaths, and the honest reporting of these consequences. using a recent global data set on officially reported covid-19 deaths and estimated deaths based on excess mortality, the authors present evidence that supports different implications from their argument. empirically, democracies have much higher officially reported death tolls than do autocracies, a result driven by underreporting in autocracies. in high-capacity states, democracies have fewer covid-19 deaths than do autocracies. state capacity generally seems to mitigate both deaths and underreporting, but these relationships are stronger in democracies. countries that combine democracy with high state capacity experience fewer covid-19 deaths and provide more accurate tolls of the pandemic s consequences. 5. title: concept misformation in the age of democratic anxiety: recent temptations and their downsides authors: weyland, kurt. abstract: despite giovanni sartori s famous warning, contemporary academia has seen a new bout of conceptual stretching, as evident in the loose, expansive usage of terms such as coup and fascism. this concept creep reflects the normative progress of recent decades, which has ruled out true fascism and deterred full-scale coups. because these normative advances have induced remaining nefarious actors to pursue their undemocratic goals through formally democratic procedures, ambiguity has blurred conceptual boundaries. the !#&'*,-./09������ʸʸʸ���wobbtf9tthj�5�ojqj^jo(hvyhvy5�ojqj^jh�"�hu<�5�ojqj^jh�ud5�ojqj^jo(h�"�h�"�o(&h�"�h�"�5�cjojqj^jajo(h!@�5�cjojqj^jajh 2e5�cjojqj^jajhvy5�cjojqj^jaj#hvyhvy5�cjojqj^jaj#h�"�h�"�5�cjojqj^jaj h$-�5�cjojqj^jajo(#hvyhvy5�cjojqj^jaj-./��� � � � �s8���,�g3�����������������������gd�psgd)w�gd$?�gdto�gd�l$gd%j,gdu<�gd�"�$a$gdt4�������� � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �   �����˽���������|��l|��l|^�����phihu<�ojqj^jo(hih�l$ojqj^jo(hvi�h�l$5�ojqj^jo(h�l$h�l$5�ojqj^jh�l$5�ojqj^jo(hj�5�ojqjo(hiht4ojqj^jo(hvyhvyojqj^jhihj�ojqj^jo(h�"�hu<�5�ojqj^jht45�ojqj^jo(hvyhvy5�ojqj^jhicy5�ojqj^j�  brs[\68jl|����������������跷��跧ř�������rdvi�h$?�5�ojqj^jo(h$?�h$?�5�ojqj^jh�"�h%j,5�ojqj^jhs/�5�ojqj^jo(hihanojqj^jhvyhvyojqj^jh� )hto�ojqj^jo(hvi�hto�5�ojqj^jo(hvyhvy5�ojqj^jhto�hto�5�ojqj^j hto�hto�h�"�h�`�5�ojqj^jhto�5�ojqj^jo(h%j,5�ojqjo(�� ,56����(*v���������⹬�������xj���\j��lhvi�h)w�5�ojqj^jo(hvi�h�ps5�ojqj^jh�psh�ps5�ojqj^jh�"�h)w�5�ojqj^jh�ps5�ojqj^jo(h)w�5�ojqjo(hvi�h%j,ojqj^jo(hvyhvyojqj^jh� )h$?�ojqj^jo(hvyhvy5�ojqj^jh$?�5�ojqj^jo(h$?�h$?�5�ojqj^jhvi�h$?�5�ojqj^jo(*,6  !0123f3g3h3i3j3k3l3m3n3o3p3q3r3s3t3u3�����������ƾ�������������h�)njh�)nuhvyhj<ojqj^jo(uhvyhvyojqj^jh}onh)w�ojqj^jo(h$?�h)w�5�ojqj^j article posits that when examining this gray area, scholars may be tempted to overuse dramatic terms because concern about new threats to democracy has motivated a turn to public intellectualism and democratic engagement. moreover, the proliferation of social media has fueled stiff competition for public attention, which may have helped to create a penchant for stark warnings. the author argues that the resulting conceptual stretching undermines the clarity and accuracy required for academic scholarship and that such imprecision can also be counterproductive for scholars� normative concerns. the overuse of dramatic terms risks distorting problem diagnosis, exacerbating polarization, and thus reinforcing the danger facing contemporary democracy, which arises primarily from the specific challenges that illiberal populism poses.     g3i3j3l3m3o3p3r3s3t3u3����������gd)w�gd� 01�82p��. ��a!�"�#��$��%��s�� ��x2���� 0@p`p������2(�� 0@p`p������ 0@p`p������ 0@p`p������ 0@p`p������ 0@p`p������ 0@p`p��8x�v~�������� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@66666pj_hmh nhsh thj`��j ck�e $1$a$ cjkh_hajmh nhsh th$a ���$ ؞���k=�w[sobi���b nf�h����c���ݓ�v�u�a ��6f�������͌�n�|q�sax\�� ���>�8�����o����( �b\�'x�77?��ڐ!����@5?�2�xy}xf�kp ���gh�%v�ވ�� �����b�������׫��|���g_���9�ѣ`(�b-�)�( ������b"�{g��|07`�]�p�eb�_�?����1�r��!��?s���`��m�-�ʥ�v�_�\ĵ��j�������ns.���j�4����cw��\ zxc��筲�����/-���x��kp�//����z�֯a)���������_�bj���p��5f�� cf����r�]]�*�q� yv)c�e��c��p@�$�=9i��!�_�������vhb�%(fv ��va ��ߒ���602�- "�o�9idͿ 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